Inside Itamar Ben-Gvir's Calculated Play for Israel's Defense Ministry

Inside Itamar Ben-Gvir's Calculated Play for Israel's Defense Ministry

According to reports from outlets including the Jerusalem Daily, Israel's National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir has formally signaled his ambition to claim the Defense Ministry portfolio. This maneuver is far more than routine coalition posturing; it represents a direct challenge to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s governing structure and the traditional autonomy of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF). By leveraging his party's indispensable parliamentary seats, Ben-Gvir aims to shift from overseeing domestic policing to commanding the nation's primary military apparatus, a move that could fundamentally alter Israel's wartime strategy, diplomatic alliances, and civil-military relations.

To understand why this bid is happening now, one must look at the mechanics of Israeli coalition politics. Governments in Jerusalem rarely collapse from external opposition; they implode from internal arithmetic. Ben-Gvir, leading the far-right Otzma Yehudit (Jewish Power) party, holds a critical bloc of seats in the Knesset. Without those votes, Netanyahu loses his parliamentary majority, triggering snap elections that current polling suggests the Prime Minister would likely lose.

For months, Ben-Gvir has operated as a vocal critic from within the cabinet, frequently clashing with military brass and more centrist coalition partners. When Yoav Gallant held the defense portfolio, the friction between the Defense Ministry and the National Security Ministry was constant and public. Gallant advocated for strategic restraint on certain fronts, prioritized hostage negotiations, and emphasized maintaining strong ties with Washington. Ben-Gvir, conversely, pushed for maximalist military pressure, the re-establishment of settlements in Gaza, and a far more aggressive posture in the West Bank.

By setting his sights on the Defense Ministry itself, Ben-Gvir is attempting to eliminate the institutional buffer that previously blocked his policies. Controlling the National Security Ministry gave him influence over the Israel Police and the Border Police, which he used to reshape law enforcement priorities and expand civilian gun ownership. However, the big decisions—airstrikes, ground invasions, troop deployments, and strategic intelligence—reside entirely within the Defense Ministry on Kaplan Street in Tel Aviv.

The Institutional Friction Inside the Kirya

The Israeli Defense Ministry is not merely another government department. It is the central nervous system of the state's survival apparatus, deeply intertwined with the IDF General Staff, the Mossad, and the Shin Bet. Historically, the post of Defense Minister has been reserved for figures with extensive military backgrounds—former Chiefs of Staff like Yitzhak Rabin, Ehud Barak, Moshe Ya'alon, and Benny Gantz, or seasoned defense officials like Moshe Arens. Even when civilians without top-tier military pedigrees took the role, such as Amir Peretz or Avigdor Lieberman, the appointment triggered intense scrutiny regarding their operational readiness.

Ben-Gvir’s background presents an unprecedented departure from this norm. As a youth, he was exempted from mandatory military service by the IDF due to his extremist political activism associated with the banned Kach movement. For decades, his relationship with the security establishment was adversarial; he spent years as a defense attorney representing right-wing activists accused of violence against Palestinians and security forces.

Installing a figure with that history at the apex of the defense establishment would create immediate friction with the IDF General Staff. Senior officers operate within a strict framework of international law, rules of engagement, and long-term strategic doctrine. Military analysts and former defense officials frequently point out that the IDF relies on a delicate balance between operational lethality and international legitimacy. A Defense Minister who publicly questions the military's legal constraints or advocates for policies that senior commanders view as operationally unsound would likely provoke a severe crisis of confidence within the top brass.

The Chain of Command Dilemma

In Israel's system of government, the military is strictly subordinate to the civilian echelon. The Chief of the General Staff reports to the Defense Minister, who in turn answers to the Prime Minister and the security cabinet. This structure relies on mutual trust and a shared baseline of strategic assumptions.

If Ben-Gvir were to assume the role, that baseline would vanish overnight. Consider how operational orders are drafted and executed. When the political echelon sets a strategic goal, the IDF translates it into military objectives, factoring in troop fatigue, munitions stockpiles, intelligence assessments, and diplomatic fallout. Critics of Ben-Gvir argue that his approach to security prioritizes ideological maximalism over logistical and geopolitical reality. Supporters, however, contend that the traditional security establishment has grown overly cautious and conceptually stagnant, arguing that a disruptive outsider is precisely what is needed to achieve decisive victory rather than prolonged attrition.

Washington's Red Lines and the Supply Chain Reality

Any analysis of Israel's Defense Ministry must account for the Pentagon. The relationship between the Israeli Defense Minister and the U.S. Secretary of Defense is arguably the single most important diplomatic channel between the two nations. It is the conduit through which billions of dollars in military aid, advanced weaponry, intelligence sharing, and diplomatic cover at the United Nations flow.

The United States has repeatedly expressed deep concern over Ben-Gvir’s rhetoric and policies. American officials have criticized his visits to the Temple Mount/Haram al-Sharif, his statements regarding the displacement of Palestinians from Gaza, and his handling of settler violence in the West Bank. The Biden administration previously imposed sanctions on individuals and groups linked to extremist settler activity, signaling a willingness to penalize actors it views as destabilizing.

If Ben-Gvir were named Defense Minister, the diplomatic fallout with Washington would be immediate and severe. Modern warfare is heavily dependent on supply chains. Israel’s air force relies on American-made F-15s, F-16s, and F-35s, along with precision-guided munitions, interceptor missiles for the Iron Dome and David's Sling systems, and spare parts that require continuous U.S. congressional and executive approval.

A breakdown in trust between the Pentagon and the Israeli Defense Ministry would not just be a diplomatic embarrassment; it would pose a direct threat to Israel's operational readiness. American defense officials would face immense domestic political pressure to restrict arms transfers or place strict conditions on how U.S.-supplied weapons are used if the person overseeing their deployment is viewed by Washington as an extremist. For Prime Minister Netanyahu, handing the defense portfolio to Ben-Gvir would mean risking a catastrophic rupture with Israel's indispensable superpower ally.

The Domestic Political Calculus

Why, then, is Ben-Gvir making this push if the institutional and diplomatic obstacles are so formidable? The answer lies in the mechanics of political survival and electoral positioning.

In Israeli politics, staking out a maximalist demand is often a negotiating tactic designed to secure a lesser, yet still substantial, concession. Ben-Gvir understands the political landscape well. By demanding the Defense Ministry, he achieves several objectives simultaneously:

  • Consolidating his base: His voters want to see him projecting strength and demanding total control over security policy. Making a play for the top defense job reinforces his brand as the most uncompromising figure on the Israeli right.
  • Pressuring Netanyahu: Even if Netanyahu refuses to give him the Defense Ministry, the demand forces the Prime Minister to offer significant compensation to keep the coalition intact. This could mean granting Ben-Gvir a permanent seat in a smaller, more influential war-management forum, expanding the budget and authority of his existing ministry, or adopting harder-line policies in the West Bank and Gaza.
  • Shifting the Overton window: By framing himself as a legitimate contender for Defense Minister, Ben-Gvir normalizes his presence at the highest levels of national security decision-making. What seemed unthinkable a few years ago—a former Kach activist overseeing the military—becomes part of mainstream political discourse.

Netanyahu finds himself caught in a familiar trap. Throughout his long tenure, the Prime Minister has demonstrated a strong preference for maintaining direct control over major strategic decisions, often treating his Defense Ministers as junior partners or rivals to be managed. Appointing Ben-Gvir would mean relinquishing that control to an unpredictable partner who cannot be easily sidelined without collapsing the government. Yet, flatly rejecting Ben-Gvir risks triggering the very coalition crisis Netanyahu is desperate to avoid.

Historical Precedents and the Limits of Outsiders

To gauge what a Ben-Gvir tenure at the Defense Ministry might look like, one can examine past instances where political outsiders took the helm of Israel's security apparatus.

In 2006, Amir Peretz, a former labor union leader with no high-level military command experience, became Defense Minister. Just months into his tenure, the Second Lebanon War erupted. Peretz struggled to assert authority over the IDF General Staff, who often bypassed him or overwhelmed him with technical military jargon. The war's inconclusive outcome and logistical failures led to the Winograd Commission, which severely criticized Peretz's lack of experience and forced his resignation.

A decade later, in 2016, Avigdor Lieberman—another right-wing politician without a background as a senior IDF commander—was appointed Defense Minister after promising tough action against Hamas. Once inside the Kirya, however, Lieberman found himself constrained by the realities of intelligence assessments, international pressure, and the complexities of asymmetric warfare. He eventually resigned in 2018, complaining that the government's response to rocket fire from Gaza was too weak, effectively admitting that the institution had limited his ability to execute his campaign promises.

These historical examples highlight a crucial dynamic: the Israeli defense establishment possesses immense institutional inertia. A single minister, regardless of ideology, cannot easily force the IDF to abandon decades of operational doctrine, international legal compliance, or strategic alliances. However, a minister can sow chaos, paralyze decision-making, and alienate key international partners.

The difference with Ben-Gvir is that his political rise has been built entirely on disrupting institutions rather than adapting to them. During his time as National Security Minister, he demonstrated a willingness to bypass traditional bureaucratic channels, publicly reprimand senior police commanders, and promote officers who aligned with his worldview. Applying that same playbook to the IDF would threaten the apolitical nature of the military, which remains one of the few institutions in Israel that still commands broad public trust across a deeply polarized society.

The Stakes for Israel's Future

The debate over Ben-Gvir's bid for the Defense Ministry is ultimately a debate over the character of the Israeli state and its approach to survival in a hostile region.

For decades, Israel's national security doctrine rested on three pillars: deterrence, early warning, and decisive victory, all underpinned by a qualitative military edge guaranteed by the United States. The events of October 7 shattered the prevailing assumptions surrounding deterrence and early warning, creating a vacuum in strategic thinking that figures like Ben-Gvir are eager to fill. His argument—that decades of conventional military wisdom led to catastrophic failure—resonates with a segment of the Israeli public that feels betrayed by the traditional security elite.

Yet, replacing professional military strategy with ideological fervor carries profound risks. Warfare in the twenty-first century is not fought solely with tanks and infantry; it is fought through global supply chains, diplomatic coalitions, intelligence-sharing networks, and economic resilience. A Defense Minister who alienates Washington, fractures the IDF command structure, and invites international sanctions could inadvertently weaken the very military machine he claims to unleash.

Netanyahu's decision on how to handle this demand will define the trajectory of his government and the security posture of the nation. Whether Ben-Gvir ultimately sits in the Defense Minister's chair or uses the bid to extract sweeping concessions elsewhere, the mere fact that the appointment is under serious discussion marks a watershed moment in Israeli political history—one where the survival of a governing coalition is weighed directly against the stability of the nation's defense establishment.

HB

Hana Brown

With a background in both technology and communication, Hana Brown excels at explaining complex digital trends to everyday readers.